A
new study has concluded that the massive collection of phone data by
the clandestine U.S. National Security Agency "has had no discernible
impact" on preventing terrorism.
A Washington research group, the New America Foundation,
said Monday it studied the investigations of 225 people linked in some
way to terrorism in the United States since the deadly September 11th
attacks and concluded NSA phone surveillance only played a key role in
one instance.
The report said the only piece of NSA phone data
that had a clear role in initiating an investigation involved a cab
driver in San Diego, California, who was convicted of sending $8,500 to
al-Qaida's Somali affiliate in 2007 and 2008.
The New America
Foundation said NSA surveillance may have played a role in other
investigations, but about 60 percent of the probes stemmed from
traditional investigative methods, such as tips from from a family
member or informant, or a report of suspicious activity.
The
report's conclusion mirrors that of a White House-appointed review that
concluded in December that the NSA's collection of millions of records
of calls made by Americans "was not essential to preventing attacks." Read More Here
Mass
surveillance of the National Security Agency (NSA) on people and world
leaders have been making headlines for half a year throughout the globe,
yet these security programs did little in battle against terrorism,
concludes the study by the New America Foundation, a Washington-based
nonprofit group.
The
study of 225 terrorism cases inside the US after 9/11, which is to be
released Monday, corroborates the findings of a White House-appointed
review group, which said last month that the NSA counterterrorism
program “was not essential to preventing attacks” and that much of the
evidence it did turn up “could readily have been obtained in a timely
manner using conventional [court] orders.”
NSA saves the
record of numbers dialed and length of the call of every American. As
the intelligence agency suggests, no calls’ content is collected. Then
NSA analysts conclude whether the numbers were suspicious or not and
it’s linked to a terrorist organization.
As the
Washington Post reports, the researchers at the New America Foundation
found that the program provided evidence to initiate only one case,
involving a San Diego cabdriver, Basaaly Moalin, who was convicted of
sending money to a terrorist group in Somalia. Three co-conspirators
were also convicted. The cases involved no threat of attack against the
United States.
“The overall problem for US
counterterrorism officials is not that they need vaster amounts of
information from the bulk surveillance programs, but that they don’t
sufficiently understand or widely share the information they already
possess that was derived from conventional law enforcement and
intelligence techniques,” said the report, whose principal author is
Peter Bergen, director of the foundation’s National Security Program and
an expert on terrorism.
In most of the cases proved
themselves much more effective. Traditional surveillance warrants
obtained from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court were used to
obtain evidence through intercepts of phone calls and e-mails, said the
researchers, whose results are in an online database.
According
to the publication, more than half of the cases were initiated as a
result of traditional investigative tools. The most common was a
community or family tip to the authorities. Other methods included the
use of informants, a suspicious-activity report filed by a business or
community member to the FBI, or information turned up in investigations
of non-terrorism cases.
Yet, the New America Foundation
suggests, it took more than two month after NSA transmitted the
allegations to FBI, before the terrorism case was initiated.
Judge said the phone data-collection system
could have helped investigators connect the dots before the 9/11
attacks. Photograph: Lucas Jackson /Reuters
A legal battle over the scope of US government surveillance took a
turn in favour of the National Security Agency on Friday with a court
opinion declaring that bulk collection of telephone data does not
violate the constitution.
The judgement, in a case brought before a district court in New York
by the American Civil Liberties Union, directly contradicts the result
of a similar challenge in a Washington court last week which ruled the NSA's bulk collection program was likely to prove unconstitutional and was "almost Orwellian" in scale.
Friday's ruling makes it more likely that the issue will be settled
by the US supreme court, although it may be overtaken by the decision of
Barack Obama on whether to accept the recommendations of a White House
review panel to ban the NSA from directly collecting such data.
But the ruling from Judge William Pauley, a Clinton appointee to the
Southern District of New York, will provide important ammunition for
those within the intelligence community urging Obama to maintain the
programme.
Judge Pauley said privacy protections enshrined in the fourth
amendment of the US constitution needed to be balanced against a
government need to maintain a database of records to prevent future
terrorist attacks. “The right to be free from searches is fundamental
but not absolute,” he said. “Whether the fourth amendment protects bulk
telephony metadata is ultimately a question of reasonableness.”
Pauley argued that al-Qaida's “bold jujitsu” strategy to marry
seventh century ideology with 21st century technology made it imperative
that government authorities be allowed to push privacy boundaries.
“As the September 11 attacks demonstrate, the cost of missing such a
threat can be horrific,” he wrote in the ruling. “Technology allowed
al-Qaida to operate decentralised and plot international terrorist
attacks remotely. The bulk telephony metadata collection programme
represents the government's counter-punch: connecting fragmented and
fleeting communications to re-construct and eliminate al-Qaida's terror
network.”
Southern District of New York Judge William Pauley III declared in
a December 27 decision that the NSA surveillance program — which draws
in every American's telephone records without a warrant or probable
cause — was “legal” even though it “imperils the civil liberties of
every citizen.” The decision contrasts sharply with a decision two
weeks ago by Washington, D.C. District Court Judge Richard Leon that
termed the warrantless surveillance program unconstitutional and “almost
Orwellian.”
Almost Orwellian was no problem for Pauley, who found that
the Constitution should not get in the way of programs the government
claims have worked: “The question for this Court is whether the
Government's bulk telephony metadata program is lawful. This Court finds
it is.”
Pauley dismissed the lawsuit by the ACLU despite acknowledging that
“This blunt tool works because it collects everything. Such a program,
if unchecked, imperils the civil liberties of every citizen.”
Metadata is the record created by a telephone call, and includes the
number calling and the number called, as well as the time and duration
of the call. The NSA also has other programs to collect Internet traffic
and other data on Americans, but these other programs were not the
subject of the lawsuit dismissed by Pauley.
Pauley claimed,
however, that “Bulk telephony metadata collection is subject to
extensive oversight by all three branches of government. It is monitored
by the Department of Justice, the Intelligence Community, the FISC
[Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court], and Congress.”
Pauley's claim is not backed up by the facts, nor even by the text of his own 54-page decision.
The public record is devoid of any serious restrictions on NSA created
by the intelligence community or the Justice Department. And the FISC
has turned out to be an NSA lapdog, not a watchdog. The Wall Street Journalreported back
on June 9 that “From 1979 through 2012, the court overseeing the
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act has rejected only 11 of the more
than 33,900 surveillance applications by the government, according to
annual Justice Department reports to Congress.”
Indeed, Pauley's decision — despite touting “extensive oversight” from FISA courts — acknowledged “there
is no way for the Government to know which particle of telephony
metadata will lead to useful counterterrorism information. When that is
the case, courts routinely authorize large-scale collections of
information, even if most of it will not directly bear on the
investigation.”
As for Congress' surveillance of the NSA, most members didn't even know about the program until Edward Snowden revealed it to the public. Rep. Justin Amash (R-Mich.) noted that NSA briefings of Congress amounted to “a totally ridiculous game of twenty questions.”
The court decision read more like an op-ed by NSA chief Keith Alexander than a neutral court ruling, as Pauley derided “judicial-Monday-morning-quarterbacking" by
the Leon court. Throughout the wordy 54-page decision, Pauley never
articulated any objective restriction on a search that would be a
violation of the Fourth Amendment. Not, at least, an argument on the
Fourth Amendment that would be even a "substantial" burden on the
government. Pauley noted that
“To obtain a section 215 order [under the Patriot Act], the Government
must show (1) ‘reasonable grounds to believe the tangible things south
are relevant to an authorized investigation.’” But the “reasonable”
standard is one defined by the U.S. Constitution's Fourth Amendment.
Pauley argued that “Under section 215, the Government's burden is not
substantial.” But the Fourth Amendment explicitly defines a “reasonable”
search as one with a warrant supported by an oath, probable cause and
particularity in describing what will be found and where it will be
found.
Pauley claimed in
his decision that “The collection of breathtaking amounts of
information unprotected by the Fourth Amendment does not transform that
sweep into a Fourth Amendment search.” Of course, all searches are
subject to the Fourth Amendment; the amendment makes no exceptions for
non-Fourth Amendment searches. The text of the Fourth Amendment reads:
The right of the people to be secure in
their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable
searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or
things to be seized.